Coolidge exposed Deep State plan for "authority over everybody" and "responsible

Bill Federer

President Calvin Coolidge warned in a speech given MAY 15, 1926, at the College of William and Mary:

"But there is another ... recent development ... the greatly disproportionate influence of organized minorities.

Artificial propaganda, paid agitators, selfish interests, all impinge upon members of legislative bodies to force them to represent special elements rather than the great body of their constituency.

When they are successful, minority rule is established ...

The result is an extravagance on the part of the Government which is ruinous to the people and a multiplicity of regulations and restrictions for the conduct of all kinds of necessary business, which becomes little less than oppressive ..."

Coolidge continued, exposing the autocratic deep-state bureaucracy:

"No plan of centralization has ever been adopted which did not result in bureaucracy, tyranny, inflexibility, reaction, and decline.

Of all forms of government, those administered by bureaus are about the least satisfactory to an enlightened and progressive people. Being irresponsible they become autocratic ...

Unless bureaucracy is constantly resisted it breaks down representative government and overwhelms democracy.

It ... sets up the pretense of having authority over everybody and being responsible to nobody ..."

Coolidge added:

"We must also recognize that the national administration is not and cannot be adjusted to the needs of local government ...

The States should not be induced by coercion or by favor to surrender the management of their own affairs.

The Federal Government ought to resist the tendency to be loaded up with duties which the States should perform.

It does not follow that because something ought to be done the National Government ought to do it ...

Coolidge's recommendations are similar to what has recently been termed "draining the swamp." He stated:

"I want to see the policy adopted by the States of discharging their public functions so faithfully that instead of an extension on the part of the Federal Government there can be a contraction ...

The principles of government have the same need to be fortified, reinforced, and supported that characterize the principles of religion."

Calvin Coolidge stated at the unveiling of Equestrian Statue of Bishop Francis Asbury, October 15, 1924, Washington, DC:

"There are only two main theories of government in the world.

One rests on righteousness, the other rests on force.

One appeals to reason, the other appeals to the sword.

One is exemplified in a republic, the other is represented by a despotism ..."

Collins English Dictionary defines "despotism":

"the rule of a despot; arbitrary, absolute, or tyrannical government."

SparkNotes on Locke's Second Treatise states:

"Despotical power is absolute, arbitrary power of one person to take the life and property of another against their will."

John Locke's Second Treatise on Civil Government (Ch. 14-15) stated in a republic there should be:

"No absolute or arbitrary power."

The Constitutions of Kentucky and Wyoming state:

"Absolute, arbitrary power over the lives, liberty and property of freemen exists nowhere in a republic."

President Coolidge continued:

"The history of government on this earth has been almost entirely a history of the rule of force held in the hands of a few.

Under our Constitution, America committed itself to ... the power in the hands of the people ...

Our government rests upon religion .

It is from that source that we derive our reverence for truth and justice, for equality and liberty, and for the rights of mankind.

Unless the people believe in these principles they cannot believe in our government."

Coolidge's reference to "rule of force held in the hands of a few" was the view of the German political philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831), who stated:

"The State is god walking on earth."

After Napoleon had overrun Europe so easily, Prussian King Frederick William III embraced Hegel's philosophy to strengthen the German state.

Hegel wrote in Philosophy of History (Jacob Loewenberg, ed., Hegel: Selections, New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1929, p. 398):

"The origin of a State involves imperious lordship on the one hand, instinctive submission on the other.

Obedience -- Lordly power, and the fear inspired by a ruler -- in itself implies some degree of voluntary connection ...

it is not the isolated will of individuals that prevails; individual pretensions are relinquished, and the general will is the essential bond of political union."

"Hegelian dialectics" is the method of concentrating power by first creating a crisis.

Described as a triangle:

  • one corner is the THESIS;

  • the opposite corner it the ANTITHESIS; and

  • the top corner is the SYNTHESIS.

In other words, first create a problem that is real bad , and then the people will readily surrender their freedoms to settle for a solution that is only half as bad.

Each SYNTHESIS then becomes the new THESIS, and the process is repeated until all power is voluntarily relinquished by the people into the hands of a imperial dictator.

To create an antithesis, there needs to be division in society.

To seize control of a country, citizens must be made to stop thinking of themselves as citizens.

Instead, they must identify and be divided into social, ethnic, or economic groups, which can then be pitted against one another.

The manufactured, successive incidents of violence between these groups destabilizes the country, persuading the people to quickly surrender their freedoms to someone promising to restore order.

Hegel was against the people ruling themselves, wanting instead to have all power in the hands of a dictator.

He wrote in Philosophy of Law (Section 279):

"When it is contrasted with the sovereignty of the monarch, the phrase 'sovereignty of the people' turns out to be merely one of those confused notions which arise from the wild idea of the 'people'.

Without its monarch ... the people are just a formless multitude."

Similar to today's "social media censorship," Hegel wrote in Philosophy of Law (Jacob Loewenberg, ed., Hegel: Selections, NY: C. Scribner's Sons, 1929, pp. 457, 461-62):

"The many ... whom one chooses to call the people, are indeed a collection, but only as a multitude, a formless mass, whose movement and action would be elemental, irrational, savage, and terrible ...

Public opinion deserves ... to be esteemed as much as to be despised ...

The definition of the freedom of the press as freedom to say and write what one pleases ... such a view belongs to the uneducated crudity and superficiality of naive thinking."

Hegel influenced Darwin, who referred to Hegel's dialectics in support the theory of species evolving.

Hegel influenced Adolph Hitler, who wrote Mein Kampf (My Struggle).

Hegel influenced Karl Marx, who was member of the "Young Hegelians" at the University of Berlin.

Both Communism and Nazism intentionally fomented unrest and anarchy which resulted in power being consolidated into the hands of the state.

The practical implementation of Hegel's theory is to identify tension "fault lines" in a society, fan these real or perceived injustices into flame causing public emotions to reach the boiling point.

Once crisis breaks out, everyone is desperate to have the anarchy stopped, so in a "knee-jerk reaction" they relinquish their rights and freedoms to the state and dictator.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels explained (Marx and Engels Collected Works, Vol. 10, p. 318):

"It goes without saying that these conspirators by no means confine themselves to organizing the revolutionary proletariat.

Their business consists in ... spurring it in to artificial crises ...

For them the only condition required for the revolution is a sufficient organization of their own conspiracy. They are the alchemists of the revolution."

Friedrich Engels wrote (London: W.O. Henderson, The Life of Friedrich Engels, 1976; Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy, 1844):

"Every new crisis must be more serious and more universal than the last. Every fresh slump must ruin more small capitalists and increase the workers who live only by their labor.

This will increase the number of the unemployed and this is the main problem that worries economists.

In the end commercial crises will lead to a social revolution far beyond the comprehension of the economists with their scholastic wisdom."

Saul Alinsky wrote in Rules for Radicals (1971):

"The organizer ... must first rub raw the resentments of the people of the community; fan the latent hostilities of many of the people to the point of overt expression.

He must search out controversy and issues, rather than avoid them, for unless there is controversy people are not concerned enough to act ...

An organizer must stir up dissatisfaction and discontent; provide a channel into which the people can angrily pour their frustrations."

Crisis can either be created or coincidental and capitalized on for the political purpose of concentrating control.

Some crises include:

  • students needing safe-spaces where they will not be traumatized by hearing triggering views;

  • claims of victimhood by aggressive, intolerant groups;

  • hateful organizations projecting their hate onto their innocent naive opponents;

  • fundamental Muslims being "offended";

  • occupy Wall Street protests;

  • peace and social justice movements;

  • school or other shootings capitalized upon for political purposes;

  • orchestrated global warming crisis; and

  • manufactured healthcare crisis.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn warned in Washington, D.C., June 30, 1975:

"I ... call upon America to be more careful with its trust ... Prevent those ... who are ... falsely using the struggle for peace and for social justice to lead you down a false road ... They are trying to weaken you."

Whatever the crisis is, the solution is the same -- citizens must surrender freedoms to the state.

Former communist David Horowitz quoted their philosophy:

"The issue is never the issue ... The issue is always the revolution."

Individuals who think the issue is the goal were referred to by Lenin as "useful idiots."

Regarding a "socialized medicine" crisis, Reagan recorded in 1961 an LP titled "Ronald Reagan Speaks Out Against Socialized Medicine" for the American Medical Association's Operation Coffeecup Campaign:

"Now back in 1927 an American socialist, Norman Thomas, six times candidate for president on the Socialist Party ticket, said the American people would never vote for socialism.

But he said under the name of liberalism the American people will adopt every fragment of the socialist program ."

Vladimir Lenin stated:

"The goal of socialism is communism."

Reagan continued:

"One of the traditional methods of imposing statism or socialism on a people has been by way of medicine. It's very easy to disguise a medical program as a humanitarian project ...

Madison in 1788 ... said ... 'There are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachment of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations' ...

We want no further encroachment on these individual liberties and freedoms ... We do not want socialized medicine ...

If you don't, this program I promise you will pass ... and behind it will come other federal programs that will invade every area of freedom as we have known ... until, one day ... we will awake to find that we have socialism.

And ... you and I are going to spend our sunset year s telling our children and our children's children, what it once was like in America when men were free."

Calvin Coolidge gave insight into America's success at maintaining order in his address at the 150th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, Philadelphia, July 5, 1926:

"The principles ... which went into the Declaration of Independence ... are found in ... the sermons ... of the early colonial clergy who were earnestly undertaking to instruct their congregations in the great mystery of how to live.

They preached equality because they believed in the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man.

They justified freedom by the text that we are all created in the divine image ...

Placing every man on a plane where he acknowledged no superiors, where no one possessed any right to rule over him, he must inevitably choose his own rulers through a system of self-government ...

In order that they might have freedom to express these thoughts and opportunity to put them into action, WHOLE CONGREGATIONS WITH THEIR PASTORS MIGRATED TO THE COLONIES ..."

Coolidge concluded:

"The Declaration of Independence is a great spiritual document ...

Equality, liberty, popular sovereignty, the rights of man -- these are ... ideals. They have their source and their roots in the religious convictions. They belong to the unseen world.

Unless the faith of the American in these religious convictions is to endure, the principles of our Declaration will perish.

We can not continue to enjoy the result if we neglect and abandon the cause."

President Calvin Coolidge stated on September 21, 1924, in an address to the Holy Name Society in Washington, D.C.:

"Equality is recognized ... from belief in the brotherhood of man through the fatherhood of God ...

It seems perfectly plain that the right to equality has for its foundation reverence for God.

If we could imagine that swept away our American government could not long survive."